Some ImplicationsMy complaint about the contemporary anti-anthropology terjemahan - Some ImplicationsMy complaint about the contemporary anti-anthropology Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Some ImplicationsMy complaint about

Some Implications
My complaint about the contemporary anti-anthropology
discourse involves more than a concern for fairness. I
am concerned about the loss of knowledge from the past.
Anthropology consisted of far more than ethnographies,
far more than just the works of Mead and Geertz, Benedict
and Malinowski, Levi-Strauss and Radcliffe-Brown,
Boas and Redfield. As a field it had produced a vast storehouse
of knowledge about the peoples of the world, with
neither the intent nor the result of conquering and dominating them a rich literature of concern for both the universals, the things that all humans share, and the differences among us, and how these might be explained. We rightly prided ourselves on our holism and our wide-ranging
ability to compare peoples and cultures, without implying
inferiority and superiority, in an effort to know
what makes us all tick, all of us humans. This heritage has
been reduced to a handful of stereotypes and misperceptions,
with the result that students and younger professionals
have been led to ignore (perhaps even to execrate) this
body of ideas, problems,information,debate,and struggle
against ignorance and prejudice.
Let me offer just two examples: the cases of Black
Athena and The Bell Curve. Both have to do with the relationship
of race, language, and culture.
The massive volumes by Martin Bernal, Black Athena
(1987, 1991), have gained a great deal of publicity and notoriety.
In volume 1 Professor Bemal argues that racism
has pervaded European studies of the classics, especially
of Egypt and Greece, and as a result scholars have knowingly
hidden the truth: that the Greeks learned everything
that was novel and valuable in their culture from the Egyptians.
And Bernal leads us to believe that the Egyptians
were "black." Volume 2 presents what Professor Bernal
claims to be the empirical evidence for his thesis about the
origins of Greek culture. What troubles me most as an anthropologist
is not that Bernal is playing the old game of
posing as the crusading amateur fighting against and
scorned by the bigoted professors, or that he has simply
turned the racist formulations of the nineteenth-century
upside down. (Of course these bother me plenty, too.) I am
concerned that in 1991 the American Anthropological Association
honored Bernal with a full afternoon symposium
devoted to his work but did not bring forward a single
scholar to challenge his abuse of anthropological, linguistic,
and historical scholarship. A number of classicists
have heavily criticized his work (e.g., Lefkowitz and Rogers
1996), but anthropologists have been silent, perhaps
through cowardice but more likely because too few remember
the lessons that Boas, Sapir, Kroeber, Greenberg,
and others taught us.
Martin Bernal's second volume violates the primary
Boasian principle that "race,language,and culture" must
each be analyzed in its own right, that they can vary independently,
that evidence of the presence of an element
from one realm is no proof of the existence of those from
others. The very lessons that made it possible for Joseph
Greenberg to remove racism and ethnocentrism from African
linguistic classification, and thus set the whole study
of African history on a new basis, do not exist for Bernal.
The phenomenon of diffusion, and the distinction between
it and migration and genetic connection, have no
meaning for Bernal. Everything that we have learned
about processes of change and cultural transmission is ignored.
He barely acknowledges the existence of G. Elliot
Smith and W. J. Perry, two of the "extreme diffusionists"
whose writings remarkably anticipate his own but whose
work brought diffusionism and anthropological historicism
into total disrepute in Britain, for good reasons (see
Stocking 1995:197-232). Rather than respond to the serious
historiographical and anthropological criticisms of
Elliot Smith ' s writings, however, he devotes just over two
pages and a footnote to a garbled history hinting that a variety
of sinister professional, political, and racist motives defeated Smith and his school (Bernal 1987:27>272,
486). We have lived through some of the same claims of
Egyptian superiority before, but in earlier times it was in
the service of Eurocentric racism (see, e.g., Stanton
1960:45-53, as well as Perry 1924 and Smith 1911, 1923).
The scholarship is no better when the same outmoded
ideas are used to turn the tables.
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Beberapa implikasiKeluhan saya tentang antropologi anti kontemporerwacana melibatkan lebih dari kekhawatiran keadilan. Sayaprihatin tentang hilangnya pengetahuan dari masa lalu.Antropologi terdiri dari lebih dari etnografis,jauh lebih dari sekedar karya Mead dan Geertz, Benediktusdan Malinowski, Levi-Strauss dan Radcliffe-coklat,Boas dan Redfield. Sebagai ladang itu telah menghasilkan luas gudangpengetahuan tentang bangsa-bangsa dunia, denganmaksud maupun hasil menaklukkan dan mendominasi mereka sastra yang kaya dari kekhawatiran universals, hal-hal yang berbagi semua manusia, dan perbedaan antara kita, dan bagaimana ini mungkin menjelaskan. Kita memang membanggakan diri pada holisme kami dan kami luaskemampuan untuk membandingkan adat dan budaya, tanpa menyiratkanrendah diri dan superioritas, dalam upaya untuk tahuapa yang membuat kita semua centang, kita semua manusia. Warisan ini telahtelah direduksi menjadi segenggam stereotip dan kesalahan persepsi,dengan hasil bahwa mahasiswa dan profesional mudatelah menyebabkan untuk mengabaikan (mungkin bahkan untuk execrate) initubuh ide-ide, masalah, informasi, perdebatan, dan perjuanganmelawan ketidaktahuan dan prasangka.Mari saya menawarkan hanya dua contoh: kasus hitamAthena dan kurva lonceng. Keduanya harus dilakukan dengan hubunganras, bahasa, dan budaya.Volume besar-besaran oleh Martin Bernal, hitam Athena(1987, 1991) telah mendapatkan banyak publisitas dan ketenaran.Dalam Jilid 1 Profesor Bemal berpendapat bahwa rasismetelah diliputi studi Eropa klasik, terutamaMesir dan Yunani, dan akibatnya ulama memiliki sadartersembunyi kebenaran: bahwa orang Yunani belajar segala sesuatuitu adalah novel dan berharga dalam budaya mereka dari Mesir.Dan Bernal membawa kita untuk percaya bahwa orang Mesir"hitam." Volume 2 menyajikan apa Profesor Bernalklaim harus bukti empiris untuk tesisnya tentangasal-usul kebudayaan Yunani. Apa masalah saya paling sebagai antropologbukanlah bahwa Bernal bermain permainan tuamenyamar sebagai amatir penginjilan melawan dandicemooh oleh Profesor fanatik, atau bahwa ia memiliki cukupternyata formulasi rasis dari abad ke-19terbalik. (Tentu saja ini mengganggu saya banyak, juga.) Sayaprihatin bahwa pada tahun 1991 American Anthropological AssociationBernal dihormati dengan sebuah simposium sore yang lengkapdikhususkan untuk bekerja tetapi tidak membawa maju satusarjana untuk menantang nya penyalahgunaan antropologi, linguistik,dan sejarah beasiswa. Sejumlah classiciststelah dikritik karyanya (misalnya, film dan Rogers1996), tetapi para antropolog telah diam, mungkinmelalui kepengecutan tapi kemungkinan besar karena terlalu sedikit ingatpelajaran itu Boas Sapir Kroeber, Greenberg,dan lain-lain mengajarkan kita.Jilid kedua Martin Bernal melanggar dasarBoasian prinsip bahwa "ras, bahasa, dan budaya" harusmasing-masing dianalisis dalam dirinya sendiri, yang mereka dapat bervariasi secara independen,bukti bahwa kehadiran elemendari satu alam adalah tidak ada bukti keberadaan orang-orang darilain-lain. Pelajaran sangat yang menjadikannya mungkin untuk YusufGreenberg untuk menghilangkan rasisme dan ethnocentrism dari Afrikaklasifikasi linguistik, dan dengan demikian mengatur seluruh studiSejarah Afrika secara baru, tidak ada untuk Bernal.Fenomena difusi, dan perbedaan antaradan migrasi dan koneksi genetik, tidak memilikiarti Bernal. Segala sesuatu yang telah kita pelajaritentang proses perubahan dan budaya transmisi diabaikan.Dia nyaris tidak mengakui keberadaan G. ElliotSmith dan W. J. Perry, dua "diffusionists ekstrim"tulisan-tulisan yang sangat mengantisipasi nya sendiri tetapi yangkerja membawa diffusionism dan Antropologi Historisismetotal tidak dihormati di Britain, untuk alasan yang baik (LihatKaus 1995:197-232). Alih-alih menanggapi seriushistoriographical dan Antropologi kritik terhadapTulisan-tulisan Elliot Smith, bagaimanapun, dia mencurahkan lebih dari duaHalaman dan nota kaki kepada sejarah kacau mengisyaratkan bahwa berbagaijahat profesional, motif politik dan rasis mengalahkan Smith dan sekolah (Bernal 1987:27 > 272,486). kita telah hidup melalui beberapa klaim samaMesir superioritas sebelumnya, namun pada jaman itu dalamLayanan Barat rasisme (Lihat, misalnya, Stanton1960:45-53, serta Perry 1924 dan Smith 1911, 1923).Beasiswa adalah tidak lebih baik ketika sama ketinggalan zamanide-ide yang digunakan untuk membalikkan meja.
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
Some Implications
My complaint about the contemporary anti-anthropology
discourse involves more than a concern for fairness. I
am concerned about the loss of knowledge from the past.
Anthropology consisted of far more than ethnographies,
far more than just the works of Mead and Geertz, Benedict
and Malinowski, Levi-Strauss and Radcliffe-Brown,
Boas and Redfield. As a field it had produced a vast storehouse
of knowledge about the peoples of the world, with
neither the intent nor the result of conquering and dominating them a rich literature of concern for both the universals, the things that all humans share, and the differences among us, and how these might be explained. We rightly prided ourselves on our holism and our wide-ranging
ability to compare peoples and cultures, without implying
inferiority and superiority, in an effort to know
what makes us all tick, all of us humans. This heritage has
been reduced to a handful of stereotypes and misperceptions,
with the result that students and younger professionals
have been led to ignore (perhaps even to execrate) this
body of ideas, problems,information,debate,and struggle
against ignorance and prejudice.
Let me offer just two examples: the cases of Black
Athena and The Bell Curve. Both have to do with the relationship
of race, language, and culture.
The massive volumes by Martin Bernal, Black Athena
(1987, 1991), have gained a great deal of publicity and notoriety.
In volume 1 Professor Bemal argues that racism
has pervaded European studies of the classics, especially
of Egypt and Greece, and as a result scholars have knowingly
hidden the truth: that the Greeks learned everything
that was novel and valuable in their culture from the Egyptians.
And Bernal leads us to believe that the Egyptians
were "black." Volume 2 presents what Professor Bernal
claims to be the empirical evidence for his thesis about the
origins of Greek culture. What troubles me most as an anthropologist
is not that Bernal is playing the old game of
posing as the crusading amateur fighting against and
scorned by the bigoted professors, or that he has simply
turned the racist formulations of the nineteenth-century
upside down. (Of course these bother me plenty, too.) I am
concerned that in 1991 the American Anthropological Association
honored Bernal with a full afternoon symposium
devoted to his work but did not bring forward a single
scholar to challenge his abuse of anthropological, linguistic,
and historical scholarship. A number of classicists
have heavily criticized his work (e.g., Lefkowitz and Rogers
1996), but anthropologists have been silent, perhaps
through cowardice but more likely because too few remember
the lessons that Boas, Sapir, Kroeber, Greenberg,
and others taught us.
Martin Bernal's second volume violates the primary
Boasian principle that "race,language,and culture" must
each be analyzed in its own right, that they can vary independently,
that evidence of the presence of an element
from one realm is no proof of the existence of those from
others. The very lessons that made it possible for Joseph
Greenberg to remove racism and ethnocentrism from African
linguistic classification, and thus set the whole study
of African history on a new basis, do not exist for Bernal.
The phenomenon of diffusion, and the distinction between
it and migration and genetic connection, have no
meaning for Bernal. Everything that we have learned
about processes of change and cultural transmission is ignored.
He barely acknowledges the existence of G. Elliot
Smith and W. J. Perry, two of the "extreme diffusionists"
whose writings remarkably anticipate his own but whose
work brought diffusionism and anthropological historicism
into total disrepute in Britain, for good reasons (see
Stocking 1995:197-232). Rather than respond to the serious
historiographical and anthropological criticisms of
Elliot Smith ' s writings, however, he devotes just over two
pages and a footnote to a garbled history hinting that a variety
of sinister professional, political, and racist motives defeated Smith and his school (Bernal 1987:27>272,
486). We have lived through some of the same claims of
Egyptian superiority before, but in earlier times it was in
the service of Eurocentric racism (see, e.g., Stanton
1960:45-53, as well as Perry 1924 and Smith 1911, 1923).
The scholarship is no better when the same outmoded
ideas are used to turn the tables.
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
 
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